Tag: new york times
Labor Day weekend shootings across Chicago

Where Does Chicago's Murder Rate Actually Rank?

The New York Times released a story on Wednesday afternoon about crime rates in various cities. Its headline? “Crime Festers in Republican States While Their Troops Patrol Washington.” It pointed out that cities like Kansas City, St. Louis, and Springfield, Missouri; Birmingham, Alabama; Cleveland, Dayton and Toledo, Ohio; Tulsa, Oklahoma; Memphis and Nashville, Tennessee; Houston, Texas; Little Rock, Arkansas; Salt Lake City, Utah; and Shreveport, Louisiana have crime rates comparable to Washington’s, where federal troops have been patrolling for the past few weeks.

Why isn’t the Times taking a close look at Chicago, which faces a federal invasion? The truth is that my home city is on pace to have its lowest murder and violent crime rate in four decades. Where does it rank in terms of cities when it comes to murders? It turns out Chicago doesn’t even make the top 20. How about cities in Republican run-states? Eleven out of the top 15 have Republican governors.

This list comes from Newsweek magazine (data reflects murders per 100,000 population; cities in bold have Republican governors):

  • Birmingham, Alabama (58.8)
  • St. Louis, Missouri (54.1)
  • Memphis, Tennessee (40.6)
  • Baltimore, Maryland (34.8)
  • Detroit, Michigan (31.2)
  • Cleveland, Ohio (30)
  • Dayton, Ohio (29.7)
  • Kansas City, Missouri (27.6)
  • Shreveport, Louisiana (26.8)
  • Washington, D.C. (25.5)
  • Richmond, Virginia (24.2)
  • South Fulton, Georgia (22.2)
  • Cincinnati, Ohio (21.8)
  • Louisville, Kentucky (21.7)
  • Indianapolis, Indiana (20)
  • Oakland, California (18.6)
  • Albuquerque, New Mexico (18.4)
  • Montgomery, Alabama (18.1)
  • Minneapolis, Minnesota (18)
  • Lancaster, California (17.7)
  • Little Rock, Arkansas (17.6)
  • Hartford, Connecticut (17.6)
  • Chicago, Illinois (17.5)

Of course, facts do not matter to the Trump regime. When the president posted on Truth Social that Chicago is the “murder capital of the world,” it wasn’t even close to the truth.

Reprinted with permission from Gooz News.

Gag Me: Gushing New York Times Column Proclaims 'Age Of Trump'

Gag Me: Gushing New York Times Column Proclaims 'Age Of Trump'

The New York Times’ chief White House correspondent Peter Baker penned a “news analysis” on Monday that goes on at length about “The Age of Trump.” The cringe-worthy column, meant to coincide with the 10-year anniversary of Donald Trump first entering the Republican presidential race by maligning Mexican people as rapists, comes as the nation continues to deal with the fallout from his time in office—including rampant crime, countless deaths, and rising authoritarianism.

Baker sounds more like a fan gushing over a celebrity than a journalist discussing a conspiracy theorist bigot with dictatorial aspirations.

“Ten years of jaw-dropping, woke-busting, scandal-defying, status quo-smashing politics that have transformed America for good or ill in profoundly fundamental ways” is how this “journalist” describes the decade of hell that Americans have been forced to live through.

Yes, that is prose from a column in The New York Times, not a melodramatic monologue from Trump superfan Sean Hannity on Fox News. While Baker concedes that Trump is unpopular, he describes pro-MAGA voters as “the most consequential political force of modern times, rewriting all of the rules along the way.”

Here’s some context on Baker’s purple prose: Trump’s most significant political victory came in 2024 where he won the popular vote by 1.5 percent over former Vice President Kamala Harris. Trump lost the 2020 election by almost five points against former President Joe Biden and lost the popular vote in 2016 against former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. Former President Barack Obama, the most recent two-term president before Trump, won by over seven points in 2008 and nearly four points in 2012.

Even worse, Baker’s column comes after yet another bloody weekend during a Trump presidency, not to be confused with the steady succession of bloody weekends that occurred during his first term as COVID-19 ravaged the nation and he pushed quack medicine and anti-Chinese racism.

On Sunday, Minnesota House Speaker Emerita Melissa Hortman and her husband, Mark, were shot dead in an apparent political assassination. State Sen. John Hoffman and his wife Yvette were also shot at their home, but are expected to recover. Early reporting indicates the alleged shooter was a Trump fan who espoused similar views to him opposing abortion and LGBTQ+ rights. The shooting follows years of Trump endorsing and encouraging political violence—including the January 6 attack on the Capitol that he incited.

On the same day the killings occurred, Trump was indulging in another fantasy of his, presiding over a military parade on the streets of Washington, D.C. While the president previously expressed envy at well-organized military parades in other nations, the D.C. event was a sparsely attended affair that didn’t even have the polish of a military parade held the same day at Disney World.

But millions of Americans turned out on the very same day to protest Trump and his lackeys like Vice President JD Vance, House Speaker Mike Johnson, and billionaire benefactor Elon Musk at “No King” protests across the nation. Unsurprisingly, the Times could only muster a print headline noting “thousands” had marched.

This is an ongoing pattern at the Times. The writers there have veered from a cringe-inducing review of Trump’s presidential portrait (they claimed he was “smizing,” Tyra Banks-style) to uncritically regurgitating his spin on taxes to presenting an obvious political operative as a simple man-on-the-street Black Trump supporter.

The past 10 years have seen the mainstream media trying over and over to normalize Trump despite all his obvious abnormalities, and the Times has led the charge. Trump is unpopular, which shows that the public doesn’t buy the lies—but the Times is too busy cheering on and normalizing his administration to notice.

Reprinted with permission from Daily Kos.

Economy

Ignore Trump's Distractions -- This Is His Economy Now

Many people have complained about New York Times headlines, with reason. All too often an equivocating, sanewashing headline belies the excellent reporting that follows. But yesterday the Times got it right about the first-quarter decline in GDP: “Trump boasts about the economy, but says weak data is Biden’s problem.”

There will be much more of this as the data get worse, which they will. (I’m going to keep treating “data” as plural unless it refers to a Starfleet commander.) In fact, I worry a lot about Trump putting pressure on the statistical agencies to report better numbers. He has already said that reports of rising prices are “fake news”.

For now, however, it’s important to be clear that the bad news is all on Trump’s head, and we mustn’t let him get away with claiming otherwise.

It’s true that most of the time presidents have much less impact on the economy than many people believe. It’s also true that a president’s policies usually don’t have large economic effects in the first few months of their administration.

But Trump’s policies have been so extreme that they are already making the economy visibly worse. In particular, expectations of high tariffs began distorting business decisions even before the tariffs went into effect. If you look at the GDP numbers released yesterday, you see a huge surge in imports coupled with a large surge in inventories. Both of these clearly reflected businesses “front-running” expected tariffs, racing to buy as much from China in particular as they could before the tariffs went into effect.

And the effects of Trump’s policies will become even clearer, and even worse, over the next few months. Those insanely high tariffs on China have led to a collapse in shipments from China to the United States, which will soon be reflected in soaring prices and, probably empty shelves.

We’re also already seeing signs of Trump’s policies causing broad economic weakness:

Trump himself seems to be aware that he’s causing major supply-chain disruptions.

“You know, somebody said, ‘Oh, the shelves are going to be open,’” Mr. Trump said. “Well, maybe the children will have two dolls instead of 30 dolls, you know? And maybe the two dolls will cost a couple of bucks more than they would normally.”

OK, having Trump come out as a critic of consumerism and proponent of the higher, spiritual side of life wasn’t on my bingo card.

What I and everyone else did expect was that when the economy turned bad, Trump would refuse to accept responsibility and blame his predecessor. And right on cue, that’s what is happening.

So this is a good time to remember that Trump actually inherited a very good economy, one that was outperforming all its peers. From The Economist, last October:

When Trump moved into the White House, America had historically low unemployment and inflation only slightly above the Federal Reserve’s (arbitrary) target of 2 percent. Look at the “misery index,” the sum of inflation and unemployment — a crude but usually pretty good measure of how the economy is doing. As of January that index was quite low by historical standards:

Were there deep underlying problems, reasons to believe that the appearance of prosperity was somehow misleading? No. I’ll probably write at some point about claims by Trump’s minions that the Biden economy was somehow bad despite low unemployment and inflation combined with rising real wages. But for now let me just say that none of these claims stands up to even casual scrutiny.

In short, pay no attention to Trump’s excuses. The U.S. economy was in good shape when he came in. If everything is going to hell — which it is — he has nobody but himself to blame.

Paul Krugman is a Nobel Prize-winning economist and former professor at MIT and Princeton who now teaches at the City University of New York's Graduate Center. From 2000 to 2024, he wrote a column for The New York Times. Please consider subscribing to his Substack, where he now posts almost every day.

Reprinted with permission from Paul Krugman.


Worthwhile Canadian Observations, Or Resistance North Of The Border

Worthwhile Canadian Observations, Or Resistance North Of The Border

For those puzzled by my headline: Back in 1986 The New Republic challenged its readers to come up with a headline more boring than “Worthwhile Canadian Initiative,” the title of a New York Times op-ed by Flora Lewis. They couldn’t. Canada, you see, was considered inherently boring.

As I wrote a couple of months ago, economists have never considered Canada boring: It has often been a laboratory for distinctive policies. But now it’s definitely not boring: Canada, which will hold a snap election next month, seems poised to deliver a huge setback to Donald Trump’s foreign ambitions, one that may inspire much of the world — including many people in the United States — to stand up to the MAGA power grab.

So this seems like a good time to look north and see what we can learn. Here are three observations inspired by Canada that seem highly relevant to the United States.

Other countries are real

I don’t know what set Trump off on Canada, what made him think that it would be a good idea to start talking about annexation. Presumably, though, he expected Canadians to act like, say, university presidents, and immediately submit to his threats.

What he actually did was to rally Canadians against MAGA. Just two months ago Canada’s governing Liberals seemed set for a historic collapse, with Conservative leader Pierre Poilievre the all-but-inevitable next prime minister. Now, if the polls are to be believed, Poilievre — who has been trying to escape his image as a Canadian Trump, but apparently not successfully — is effectively out of the running:

I won’t count my poutine until it’s served, but it does seem as if Trump’s bullying has not only failed but backfired spectacularly. (And, arguably, saved Canada; all indications are that Poilievre is a real piece of work.) But why?

Much of this is on Trump, who always expects others to grovel on command. But it also reflects a general limitation of the American imagination: we tend to have a hard time accepting that other countries are real, that they have their own histories and feel strong national pride. Canada, in particular, arguably defined itself as a nation in the 19th century by its determination not to be absorbed by the United States.

In fact, there are almost eerie parallels between some of those old confrontations and current events. The 1890 McKinley tariff, of which Trump speaks with such admiration, was in part intended to pressure Canada into joining the U.S.. Instead, it inspired a backlash: Canada imposed high reciprocal tariffs, sought to strengthen economic linkages between its own provinces, and built a closer economic relationship with Britain.Sure enough, Mark Carney, the current and probably continuing Canadian prime minister, has emphasized removing remaining obstacles to interprovincial trade and seems to be seeking closer ties to Europe.

Trump may expect submission; he’s actually getting “elbows up.”

Time and chance happeneth to us all

Why, but for the grace of Donald Trump, was the Liberal Party headed for electoral catastrophe? There were specific policy issues like the nation’s carbon tax and Justin Trudeau’s personal unpopularity, but surely the main reason was a continuation of the factors that made 2024 a graveyard for incumbents everywhere, especially continuing voter anger about the inflation surge of 2021-22.

Some of us tried to point out that the very universality of the inflation surge meant that it couldn’t be attributed to the policies of any one country’s government. If Bidenomics was responsible for U.S. inflation, why did Europe experience almost the same cumulative rise in prices that we did? But there was never much chance of that argument getting traction in the United States, where we have a hard time realizing that other countries exist.

The Canadians, however, definitely know that we exist, and you might think that public anger over inflation would have been assuaged by the recognition that Canada’s inflation very closely tracked inflation south of the border:

But no, Canadian voters were prepared to punish the incumbent party anyway for just happening to hold power in a difficult time. The race is not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong, neither yet electoral victory to parties with good policies; but time and chance happeneth to them all.

Life is about more than GDP

Canada’s inflation experience looks a lot like ours, but in other ways Canada has clearly underperformed. In particular, it has had weak productivity growth, which has left it substantially poorer than the U.S.. Canada, The Economist declared in a much-quoted article, is now poorer than Alabama, as measured by GDP per capita.

That’s not quite what my numbers say, but close. Yet Canada doesn’t look like Alabama; it doesn’t feel like Alabama; and by any measure other than GDP it isn’t anything like Alabama. Here’s GDP per capita along with a widely used measure of life satisfaction, the same one often cited when pointing out how happy the Nordic countries seem to be, and life expectancy at birth:

So yes, Canada’s GDP per capita is comparable to that of very poor U.S. states. So is per capita GDP in Finland, generally considered the world’s happiest nation. But Canadians appear, on average, to be more satisfied with their lives than we are, although not at Nordic levels. We don’t have a comparable number for Alabama, but surveys consistently show it as one of our least happy states.

Part of the explanation for this discrepancy, no doubt, is that so much of U.S. national income accrues to a small number of wealthy people; inequality in Canada is much lower.

And I don’t know about you, but I believe that one important contributor to the quality of life is not being dead, something Canadians are pretty good at; on average, they live more than a decade longer than residents of Alabama.

The general point here is that while GDP is a very useful measure, and is generally correlated with the quality of life, it’s not the only thing that matters. And the more specific point is that Canada, which among other things has universal health care, has some good reasons beyond national pride not to become the 51st state.

So Canada isn’t boring now, and it never was. As I said, try looking north; you might learn something.

Paul Krugman is a Nobel Prize-winning economist and former professor at MIT and Princeton who now teaches at the City University of New York's Graduate Center. From 2000 to 2024, he wrote a column for The New York Times. Please consider subscribing to his Substack, where he now posts almost every day.




Reprinted with permission from Paul Krugman.

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